Rebirth of the Spanish Empire

"Yes, but it seems that God still cares about him very much."

"oh?"

"After the founding of the Third Republic, the political situation in France has been turbulent. In the first half of the 1980s, during the Ferry cabinet, France-German relations had a good time of the 'colonial entente'. But the issues of Alsace and Lorraine have always been a conflict between the two countries. It was a wound that was difficult to heal in relations between the two countries. In 1885, Ferrie's so-called colonial cabinet fell, marking the rise of revanchist forces in France. The Patriot League, a nationalist group headed by the famous poet Derulaid, had more than 100 members by July 1886. 100,000, becoming a force that cannot be ignored in French political and social life. After Boulanger entered the Charles Ferrisy cabinet as Minister of War, he became a symbol of France's revival, recovery of lost territory, and revenge against Germany. In 1886 Franco-German relations have been deteriorating since the autumn..."

Of course Alfonso knew the history of grudges and resentments between these major European countries, even more clearly than Franz Joseph I knew.

In fact, Bismarck was definitely not afraid of France's strength, even a revanchist France. His eyes were always fixed on the east. The complexity of his concerns lies in the fact that two crises occurred almost simultaneously. Once Germany becomes involved in the Austro-Russian conflict in the Balkans, it is difficult to expect France to stand idly by. At that time, Germany must face the cold reality of fighting on two fronts.

In the summer of 1886, Deroulade visited Russia and advocated an alliance between France and Russia. In June, Katokov wrote an article in "Moscow News" criticizing Foreign Minister Giles' European policy and calling for a fundamental change in Russia's diplomatic line. He pointed out that Russia had made a historic mistake by placing the abstract principle of monarchical unity above its own national interests. Russia must break free from its constraints and regain freedom of action in diplomacy. It was called 'Katokov's Attack'.

Under the circumstances at that time, the political systems of France and Russia were very different. There are serious differences in strategic interests and priorities, and there is no immediate possibility of an alliance between the two countries. France will not support Russia's current Balkan policy at the expense of its long-term interests in the Near East. Russia was even less likely to help France regain Alsace and Lorraine without risking upsetting the status quo and antagonizing Germany. However, if the pressure and frustration are too strong, France and Russia may form a convergence of interests in order to escape the predicament.

No one can guarantee that the two countries will not come together in the end. In January 1887, after the Russian envoy Shuvalov visited Germany to bridge differences and repair Russian-German relations, the silence from the Russian side further confirmed Bismarck's suspicion that Russia might change its policy. Bismarck adjusted his strategy. Determined to take advantage of Germany's existing diplomatic resources and developments in France. Seek opportunities to reorganize Germany's diplomatic lineup. After the Bulgarian crisis, a fierce diplomatic competition began between Britain and Germany. Neither country wants to take the lead in intervening and resent Russia, and at the same time both countries need to avoid being isolated in the future European diplomatic arena.

If it can create a mutual check and balance between the other party and Russia, the country's diplomacy will gain unprecedented initiative. British Prime Minister Salisbury was deeply suspicious of Bismarck's intentions. He was worried that if Britain and Russia had a confrontation or conflict over the Balkan issue and became deeply involved in Balkan affairs, Bismarck would take the opportunity to defeat France. The British strategy was to urge Austria-Hungary to serve as the anti-Russian vanguard in the Balkans, so that Germany, which had alliance obligations to Austria-Hungary, would have no way to escape. Bismarck exaggerated the tensions on the German-French border, created public opinion that war was imminent, and intimidated the French government. Do not go too far in military expansion and war preparations. Being an enemy of Germany will not bring good results. At the same time, this is used to show Britain, Austria and Russia that Germany must fully cope with the Franco-German crisis and has no time to look eastward. The Balkan crisis can only be solved by those countries with vital interests in the region.

The Tripartite Alliance of Germany, Austria, and Italy, concluded in 1882, was about to expire in May 1887, and the contracting parties showed little interest in the alliance. But as the Franco-German crisis and the Bulgarian crisis occurred simultaneously, Italy's importance in Bismarck's mind increased significantly. Bismarck took advantage of the alliance renewal in February 1887 to strengthen the unity within the Triple Alliance at the expense of supporting Italy's North African expansion policy. It prevented hostile countries from wooing Italy, and at the same time secured a safe and stable rear for Austria-Hungary to deal with Russia.

What is even more significant is that this is using Italy as a bridge. It created conditions for establishing ties with Britain and the Triple Alliance countries, which had common interests with Italy on colonial issues and maintained close cooperation.

At that time, there were sharp conflicts between Britain and France due to the Egyptian issue that arose after Britain unilaterally occupied Egypt in 1882. The chauvinistic clamor of the Boulanger movement was also directed against Britain. If Britain can win the support of the Triple Alliance countries on the Egyptian issue, it will greatly strengthen its position in negotiations with France. If Britain can be prompted to adopt a firm policy of maintaining the status quo in the Balkans and mobilize forces sufficient to contain France and Russia in the Near East, Austria-Hungary's security will be guaranteed, and Germany will be able to avoid being directly involved in Near Eastern affairs and conflict with Russia collides.

To put pressure on Britain. Bismarck said: If Germany looks after France on the continent, Britain and Italy will gain freedom of action. Britain and Italy will jointly contain France in North Africa, and cooperate with Austria-Hungary to deal with Russia in the Near East. The balance of power and peace in Europe may be preserved. But if Britain does not participate in European politics, it will inevitably fall into isolation, and Germany will have no reason to oppose France's expansion in North Africa and Russia's expansion in the Near East. Under Bismarck's instigation, Britain and Italy exchanged notes in February 1887. In March, Austria-Hungary also joined in the form of a note. The three countries entered into the "First Mediterranean Agreement" and promised to jointly maintain the status quo of the Mediterranean.

After the Mediterranean Union was formed, the French government further realized the unreality and danger of its alliance policy with Russia. The more urgent France's desire for alliance is, the higher Russia's asking price will be. If it cannot meet Russia's requirements, it will lead to unnecessary resentment. What's more, it will induce Germany to launch a "preventive" war. If France supported Russia's Bulgarian policy, it would have to bear the consequences of confrontation with all European countries. The French government must take the initiative to ease Franco-German relations to avoid falling into the diplomatic trap set by Bismarck. In May, the French government dismissed Boulanger, and the Franco-German crisis tended to ease.

Germany is located in Central Europe, facing the sea on one side and surrounded on three sides. An active and effective Eastern policy is the cornerstone of German diplomacy. If Germany and Russia are at odds for a long time. German diplomacy is a dead game. On the contrary, Germany can maneuver freely between the East and the West, with sufficient advance and retreat. In Bismarck's eyes, isolating France and uniting Russia were two sides of the same problem. After the Bulgarian crisis, Bismarck on the one hand encouraged Russia to pursue a forward policy in the Balkans, and on the other hand used this to mobilize the Mediterranean coalition to resist Russian expansion. At the same time, it proved the value of German friendship to Russia, which felt deeply isolated. Russian Foreign Minister Giles believes that whether it is to ensure the security of Russia's Black Sea region or to solve the Bulgarian issue, Russia needs to retain the Three Emperors Alliance of Russia, Germany and Austria. At least maintain friendly cooperation with Germany. currently. An alliance between France and Russia would be detrimental to Russia, and it would be impossible for France to form an alliance with Russia. If Russia loses Germany, it will mean complete isolation. As for the attitude of Tsar Alexander III, as German Ambassador to St. Petersburg Schweinitz pointed out at the time: 'The Tsar must maintain unity with Germany from the needs of foreign policy, and from the perspective of complying with public opinion and domestic stability, he must publicly The occasion showed a hatred of Germany. ’

Katokov's editorial in March deeply hurt the Tsar and put him in a very embarrassing position. The article revealed the secret of the Alliance of Three Emperors and violently criticized it. This forced the Tsar to either abandon his alliance with Germany. Either he publicly expressed his support for the Alliance of Three Emperors, which was exactly the outcome that the tsar wanted to avoid. The Tsar was furious and punished Katokov. The reduction of Katokov's influence reflects the consolidation of Gilles' position.

In view of the Tsar's categorical refusal to renew the treaty with Austria-Hungary, Russia and Germany reopened negotiations in Berlin in May, preparing to replace the original Three Emperors Alliance with a Russian-German bilateral agreement. When discussing the terms of neutrality, Bismarck tried to induce Russia to agree to Germany's conditional neutrality in the event of a Russian-Austrian conflict by fully supporting Russia's Near East policy. To this end, Bismarck read the text of the 1879 German-Austrian Alliance Treaty to the Russian negotiators. In order to show that Germany has no intention to assume obligations contrary to the contents of the German-Austrian Alliance Treaty.

On June 18, 1887, Russia and Germany signed a new treaty, the Reinsurance Treaty, on the condition that the neutrality clause covered the situation when France and Austria were attacked by the contracting parties. According to Bismarck. Although the treaty failed to ensure Russia's unconditional neutrality in the event of a Russian-German conflict, given the different attitudes of France and Germany towards the status quo since 1871, the alliance France needed must be offensive. The Reinsurance Treaty at least excluded this. possibility. If France cannot win the support of Russia in advance, it will be impossible to challenge Germany on its own. The status quo, peace, and Germany's security were guaranteed.

By echoing the previous "German-Austrian Alliance Treaty" through the "Reinsurance Treaty", Bismarck re-established a two-way suppression of Germany and Austria. Bismarck used this to show Russia and Austria that Germany would always stand with the attacked party. Fight aggression together. Whoever destroys European peace is Germany's enemy. However, Bismarck also had to face up to another danger. If Russia provoked Austria-Hungary to take the lead in launching an attack, how would Germany deal with the internal fighting in Russia over the signing of the Reinsurance Treaty? The wavering of the Tsar's position. After the signing of the treaty, Russia's attitude toward Germany on the Bulgarian issue Bismarck's endless demands greatly reduced the value of the treaty. His confidence in the Tsar and in German-Russian friendship was irrevocably shaken.

In July 1887, against the will of the Tsar, Ferdinand of Coburg was elected Grand Duke of Bulgaria, increasing the likelihood that Russia would resort to force. The Russian press was filled with invective against Germany. In August, Derulaid took the opportunity to attend Kattokov's funeral and visited Russia again. Bismarck was deeply worried about the current situation. Since Russia was no longer reliable, Germany had to find another way out just in case. In May, France and Russia jointly forced Sudan to abandon the plan reached by British envoy Wolff with Turkey on the withdrawal of British troops from Egypt. The trend of French-Russian cooperation has aroused the common vigilance of Britain and Germany. Salisbury, the British Prime Minister at the time, was worried that if Austria-Hungary was forced to compromise with Russia due to lack of assistance, it might return to the isolated and passive situation that was extremely unfavorable to Britain during the Three Emperors Alliance.

Bismarck took advantage of the situation and sent the text of the German-Austrian Alliance Treaty to London, and wrote a letter to Salisbury on November 22. The letter stated: "If the independence of the Austro-Hungarian Empire is threatened by Russian aggression, or if Britain and Italy are in danger of being invaded by France, Germany is always responsible for adopting a policy of entering the front." 19 The extent of German support for Austria-Hungary was confirmed in Britain Later, on December 12 and 16, 1887, Britain, Austria, and Italy exchanged notes and reached the "Second Mediterranean Agreement." The possibility of Russia occupying Bulgaria, or holding Sudan hostage, and controlling the Turkish Straits is basically ruled out. If Russia provokes Austria-Hungary, it will be besieged by Britain, Austria and Italy. Against this background, Russia began to retreat. In January 1888, Russia, with the support of Germany, asked the Turkish government to declare Ferdinand's election illegal, but was boycotted by Britain, Austria and Italy. In April Türkiye met Russia's demands. Russia saved some face, and the Bulgarian issue ended.

The "Reinsurance Treaty" and the "Mediterranean Agreement" created a mutual restraint between Britain, Austria, Italy, France and Russia in the Near East and the Mediterranean. At the same time, they blocked the union of France and Russia and ensured Germany's dominant position on the European continent. However, Bismarck's system contained great complexity and contradictions. The equilibrium it fostered in Germany's favor was inherently fragile. His diplomacy thus remained ultimately a stop-gap measure to delay the problem.

Have to admit. As a master of realpolitik, Bismarck brought the art of diplomacy to the extreme. Realpolitik contributed to the unification and consolidation of Germany, but Bismarck's fascination with realpolitik ultimately made Germany suffer its own consequences after reunification. Although with the unification of Germany Bismarck transformed from a destroyer of the status quo to a defender of the status quo, the situation is no longer what it once was. Under the impact of the wave of nationalism, the principle of monarchical unity he advocated has lost its sustaining power. The naked pursuit of power has become a basic means for countries to safeguard their own security and interests, adding new unstable factors to international relations. ‘Katokov’s attack’ was an ironic reply to Bismarck.

In Bismarck's era, relations between European powers became increasingly rigid and tense. The unification of Germany caused Central Europe to lose its historical buffering effect. It can no longer provide a space for warning and compensation in the struggle for hegemony among major powers, so much so that it has completely changed the power structure of Europe.

The looseness of relations between great powers on which balance of power diplomacy relied was disappearing, as marked by the conclusion of the German-Austrian Alliance in 1879. In fact, it is difficult for Germany to make any other choice. Bismarck's alliance was an instinctive reflection of this change, which in turn consolidated and strengthened this trend. Tense relations between the major powers were the reason for the establishment of the Bismarck Alliance and a necessary condition for its maintenance. Bismarck's diplomatic style. It embodies the mentality of combining pride and anxiety.

In order to prevent the alliance of hostile forces and establish Germany's unshakable leadership position on the European continent, it is necessary to maintain moderate tension in the relations between major powers. If relations between allies are tense. He encourages cooperation and then withdraws support and creates friction once they get along. However, Bismarck's strategy may win Germany allies, but it often causes Germany to lose friends.

Germany at that time was essentially a status quo country for a rising Germany. A reputation for dishonesty may be more dangerous than belligerence. European countries' confidence and trust in German policies are the prerequisite for maintaining Germany's diplomatic status. Bismarck's strategies often have the opposite effect. As the situation in Europe becomes increasingly tense, an international environment full of hostility, suspicion and insecurity has begun to emerge. At the same time that relations between major powers began to become rigid and tense, German policy gradually lost balance and flexibility. In October 1886, Bismarck already hinted in a letter to his son: Once Russia and Austria go to war, no matter who is the attacker, Germany will have no choice but to join the battle on the side of Austria-Hungary. When Bismarck was on stage, he could still rely on his superb diplomatic skills and high prestige to offset the negative consequences of his policies. After him, there was no successor.

Franz-Josef I said: "In 1890, Bismarck resigned, the new German authorities abandoned the Reinsurance Treaty, and four years later France and Russia formed an alliance. The European order that Bismarck had run for many years also collapsed." When it comes to falling apart, I felt so sad.

Before Prussia truly rose to become the German Empire, the actually most powerful countries on the European continent were the Kingdom of Austria and Russia and France. At that time, their enemies were France, the most powerful land country in Europe. Both Russia and the Kingdom of Austria are the big brothers of Prussia. It is even said that when Franz Joseph I first came to power in Prussia, he and the Czar took care of the buffer zone between the Kingdom of Austria and Russia.

However, with the fall of the Kingdom of Austria and its defeat in Prussia, and then the successful peace talks between the two countries, and with the rise of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, and then an alliance against France, he personally created the German-Austrian Alliance for decades. time. Seeing the end of the Bismarck era, which once dominated Europe and allowed the European continent to cease war for decades, it is impossible not to feel uncomfortable, especially in the era of Bismarck's leadership of German politics, the great powers such as Britain, Germany, Austria, and Russia were fully engaged in dealing with France. The advantageous situation has now evolved into the Austro-Hungarian Empire following the German Empire to fight against the rest of Europe.

This shocked Franz Joseph I, who had witnessed the changes in Europe for decades. The rise of Spain was definitely the most surprising thing to him in this bad mood, because both countries were leftover from the royal family of the Habsburg dynasty, the most powerful real ruler on the former European continent. Bloodline, it can be said that compared to the German Empire, Franz Joseph I was more willing to get closer to Spain, which was not a close neighbor and had no fundamental conflict of interest.

And his 15-day visit to Madrid this time showed even more that he doesn't mind how the outside world interprets his relationship with Spain. He just wants to provide help in the critical juncture of the battle between Spain and France. trip in order to achieve the goal of making the Spanish people have a good impression of him. (To be continued. If you like this work, you are welcome to come to Qidian.com () to vote for recommendations and monthly votes. Your support is my biggest motivation.)